I would first like to thank BACI and NUUM for organising this event. It is through the valuable dialogue at such events that we are able to forge international bonds, and engage with the international community, keeping our cause alive and strong. I would further like to thank my colleagues from the NUG, President Duwa Lashi La, and Minister of Health & Education Dr. Zaw Wai Soe for being here today, for continuing their outstanding work in bringing democracy to our nation, and for sharing their insights with the world. I would like to thank Governor Holcomb for attending this event and for the outstanding work he has done in making Indiana a warm and welcoming home for tens of thousands of our Myanmar brothers and sisters who are now proud to call themselves Hoosiers. I would like to thank Assistant Secretary Daniel Kritenbrink for the great strides the US State Department is making for Myanmar’s liberation. Finally, I would like to thank Senator Todd Young for his work defending Burmese democracy since the early days of the coup and supporting the passage of the NDAA amendments and the Burma Bill that Myanmar so desperately needs. We hope you and others in the US government will continue to support the Burmese people and the NUG as we enter the next year of struggle against the military regime.

Proven time and time again, this regime is brutal. For the last year, we have recounted the savagery of the junta at every opportunity. Everyone on this panel and everyone watching this discussion will be well aware of the murders, the gang rapes, the rampant torture, and burning villagers alive. Unlike the international community, we do not have the luxury of turning our heads and looking away. We see, and we hear of every nightmarish attack. Our heart breaks over the victim reports, the horrifying autopsy images, the secret videos taken by brave civilians from their hiding places. Each video is created by putting their very life on the line. We track the patterns of violence, and the only conclusion we can come to is that far from a breakdown in law and order, this scene of unchecked violence and abuse is the military’s idea of law and order.

And the military’s indifference to human life is not confined to obvious physical violence. In fact, they have likely killed far more through their mass displacements, COVID mismanagement, and the extreme poverty into which they have driven a full half of our population. To the casual observer, this may appear to be incompetence on the part of the military, but the military’s aggressive seizure of oxygen supplies at gunpoint and bombing of civilian villages demonstrate that they are committed to worsening the lives of the people of Myanmar in every conceivable way. They stockpile vaccines for their own use while regular Myanmar civilians must find their own at a great expense, which is not only a cruel act but also the cause of constant hard-hitting waves of COVID-19. In this way, the military puts not only Myanmar at risk but the whole world.

Many in the international community find it difficult to believe the reports from Myanmar. Decent human beings always have trouble accepting that pure evil still walks among us; that is their curse. And ours is that we must endure the pointless outbursts of that evil. But Myanmar is tough. We have withstood this great evil for 60 years, and we are resolved to defeat it once and for all so that we all may enjoy the fruits of democracy. But the road ahead is long. The military is cruel, yes, but to call them foolish would be a mistake. They have shown surprising foresight and cunning throughout the bloodshed and violence. They have moved their operations to border regions where

internet connections are weaker, and footage of their crimes is less likely to leak. They have courted foreign powers consistently and – until recently – enjoyed the continued patronage of foreign investors. Any delay in the swift and decisive recognition of the NUG as the sole legal government of Myanmar brings the military closer to the international recognition they crave dearly. Recognition they are fighting for in the UN, ASEAN, and through loyal ambassadors the world over. For the military, with time comes legitimacy, and as shock and horror give way to greed and pragmatism, they are gambling that companies and governments will begin to deal with them once again. 

There has recently been talk of engaging with the military. Before anyone speaks of this, they must take a simple look at history. The military makes promises in order to gain time and win supporters but breaks those promises once they gain the advantage. They create ceasefires in order to get the upper hand, then they violate them. Ethnic armed organization camps were bombed on the very day talks were to be held with the military. They have said that their own 1994 ceasefire was no more than a strategy to gain the tactical high ground. Consider the elections of 1990, which they pledged to honour, and immediately cancelled after their loss and arrested opposition politicians who complained. The 2021 coup is merely a repetition of history. And any attempt at peace talks or negotiations would be a repeat of the countless times the military has called for talks only to stab their partners in the back. Requests to engage with the military or even having them at the table are understandable only for those who have no knowledge of Myanmar history.

What then is the way forward? The answer, I believe, is to fight for democracy with democracy. Over the past year, the NUG has been on a consistent path to establishing a federal democratic system with power-sharing between ethnic minorities and genuine civilian oversight over the military. Despite the many obstacles in our way, we have steadfastly worked to establish a democratic government with democratic principles. We have established a federal democracy charter, broadened the governing coalition and coalition of supporters, facilitated a great deal of humanitarian aid to people within the country, established public service administration in some areas of the country, helped deepened boycotts and the CDM movement, helped change the national conversation to be more inclusive around the Rohingya and other ethnic minorities. If the majority of Myanmar people refuse to be ruled by a military dictatorship, the military will have no way to cling to power.

But we cannot continue down this path alone. The same democratic principle we are fighting for, the democratic principles which will save Myanmar, also apply on a global scale. The fate of Myanmar now hangs on the decisions and actions of the international community. If the military manages to gain international recognition, it will open the flood gates to money, weapons, and ultimately recognition as a legitimate government. The international community cannot allow this to happen for Myanmar’s sake.

I once again call on all our partners and allies across the world to soundly reject the violent and criminal military dictatorship and recognise the NUG as the due and democratic representatives of the Myanmar people. I once again call on all our partners and allies to place further sanctions on the military, to cut them off from the weapons, ammunition, and fuel they use to bomb and shoot us. To block them from accessing the wealth they stole from our country or from winning highly valuable investments with foreign companies. 

I was relieved to see the positive steps taken by the United States. The amendments made to the NDAA show a clear interest in engaging with the NUG and forging concrete plans of action to bring 

this crisis to an end. I also applaud the funds and initiatives channelled through international NGOs being made available to support civil society and everyday people in Myanmar. However, there is more to be done. The Burma Bill, though still under consideration, would be the single greatest legislative instrument passed by any country to aid Burmese democracy and the long-suffering Myanmar people. And I once again applaud Senator Young and others for their efforts to bring it before congress. We pray for its speedy passage through the senate and house. And even if it does not pass, we hope some of the bill’s most important components, like more aid to the Burmese people, can be passed as separate legislation.

To my Myanmar brothers and sisters abroad, my message is this. You are fortunate enough to live in democracies now. Democracy empowers even the smallest member of society. It gives a voice to every man, woman and child with a message to spread. Use your democratic rights to help us bring democracy to Myanmar. Call your elected representatives. Email them. Write them a letter. Even if you don’t get the chance to speak to your representative directly, your call or letter will be recorded, your requests will be passed on. Every representative knows how many people called or wrote to their office demanding change. Similarly, raise your voices with your wallets. Choose not to buy from or engage with businesses which support the junta. Let your representatives know that you expect better from them. With support such as this, we have already seen Chevron and Total withdraw from Myanmar. If we keep up the pressure, the military’s funds will run dry. Write and call the media organisations in your area, asking them to spend more time covering the ongoing crisis so that we can build greater awareness. Every call, every email, every letter is an essential piece in building momentum for our cause. When officials, companies, and organisations know that the people care about our crisis, they will act faster and harder to bring about change. The power is with you to drive this change. This is the true power of democracy, and with this democratic power, we can bring democracy to Myanmar.

Sincerely,

H.E. Dr. Sasa
Union Minister of Ministry of International Cooperation
Spoke Person of Nation Unity Government
Former Special Envoy to United Nations